May 23, 2001

REFLECTIONS ON THE QUEBEC SUMMIT
Part 1

Statement of the Central Executive Committee
Communist Party of Canada

An energetic debate is now under way within labour and democratic circles on the April 2001 "Summit of the Americas" in Quebec City and the mass mobilizations against it. The significance of these dramatic events, the tactics employed, and the direction the fightback should take from here, are crucial issues in this debate, one which our Party considers both timely and urgent.

In our view, the mobilization in opposition to the Summit and its centrepiece, the proposed "Free Trade Area of the Americas," was an outstanding success for several reasons.

First, because of the sheer size and breadth of the anti-Summit protests. Upwards of 75,000 joined the main anti-FTAA march, and perhaps as many as 100,000 participated in the myriad of other actions during the week-long protests. The Canadian government of course anticipated that there would be protests, and went to great effort to threaten and intimidate the anti-globalization forces. Its anti-democratic provocations backfired however, and brought more people into the streets than the Summit organizers ever imagined.

Second, because of the high level of unity and awareness among the anti-Summit forces around the slogans "Scrap the FTAA!" and "Another Americas is possible." A much more pronounced anti-capitalist perspective permeated the protests. Although differences emerged over the choice of tactics (peaceful protest, non-violent resistance, "direct action", etc.), the anti-globalization forces were, for the most part, united around the basic demand to reject the FTAA in its entirety, rather than the limited demand to have a seat in the negotiation process, and for minor amendments to the treaty text (eg., a social charter on labour and environment). Attempts by Summit organizers to co-opt certain sections (especially labour and NGOs) in the hope of dividing and weakening the FTAA opposition were largely unsuccessful.

Third, because the Summit mobilization injected new vigour and dynamism into the anti-FTAA campaign and the struggle against globalization in general, and has created a very positive basis for further escalation. Despite the efforts of ChrŽtien, Bush and the capitalist media to dismiss the effect of the protests – and failing that, to cast them in the worst possible light – the demonstrations and actions had a profound impact on the Summit itself, and on public opinion here in Canada and throughout the hemisphere.

Intended as a glitzy showcase for the FTAA, the Summit instead turned into a public relations nightmare. The massive security and police presence and the notorious "wall of shame" – not to mention the hail of thousands of rounds of tear gas and plastic bullets – graphically revealed the true face of the pro-FTAA forces – primarily the imperialist states and the TNCs they serve – and their utter contempt for democracy.

As seen earlier in Vancouver, Seattle, Melbourne, Prague and elsewhere, the massive reliance on police repression in Quebec City is further proof that, in its drive to consolidate a new regime of global corporate domination, the ruling class in Canada and other imperialist states is prepared to discard the fundamental rights of the people, and resort to brute force to quell working class or any resistance to its neoliberal agenda.

It is a telling irony that, in the midst of such flagrant trampling on democratic rights, Prime Minister ChrŽtien should boast about the inclusion of a so-called "democracy clause" in the FTAA draft text as a great "achievement" of the Summit. In fact, this clause has nothing to do with upholding democratic principles and practices in the Americas. On the contrary, it is a cheap (and ultimately doomed) manoeuvre to isolate Cuba politically and punish it economically (by excluding it from the proposed trade zone). Moreover, it is a potential sword to be brandished over the heads of any other people or country in the region which dares to deviate from the neoliberal "path of development."

Shaken by the size and militancy of the Quebec protests, the FTAA's main proponents have nevertheless tried to characterize the Summit as a victory, and have gone to great lengths to reassure its backers that the FTAA is "still on course." They want Canadians and the peoples of the Americas as a whole to believe that the treaty is a virtual fait accompli, and that only some "fine tuning" remains before it is implemented at the end of 2005.

In fact, the struggle to stop the FTAA is far from over. The battle has just been joined, and this pro-corporate trade and investment pact remains extremely vulnerable and can be defeated.

Although the Bush Administration and the U.S.-based transnationals were successful in imposing the general parameters for a negotiated treaty at the Summit, significant differences remain among the 34 participating national governments (all except Cuba). As the leaked "chapter on investment" shows, difficult negotiations lie ahead, and the terms of the pact could well be substantially altered or be derailed entirely long before it is slated to take effect.

No sooner had the clouds of toxic tear gas began to disperse, than the facade of "hemispheric consensus" began to dissipate. Venezuelan President Chavez was the first to indicate his country's serious reservations about the draft text. Other Latin American and Caribbean governments also expressed misgivings about the threats to their national sovereignty posed by the onerous terms of this pro-corporate treaty.

Cuba has sharply condemned the FTAA as a crude bid by U.S. imperialism to complete the "annexation" of the Americas. While Cuba has been excluded from the FTAA negotiations, its searing critique carries considerable weight, especially among working people throughout Latin America.

The "protectionist" current within the U.S. ruling class is another important factor that could complicate the FTAA negotiations. These forces are demanding even greater concessions from Latin American and Caribbean states (and Canada as well), while maintaining key restrictions on foreign imports into the U.S. domestic market. They are exerting influence within Congress to deny the Bush Administration "fast-track" approval of the FTAA (as was done earlier to the Clinton Administration).

The European Union and Japan are also deeply concerned about the drive by U.S. imperialism to consolidate its economic, political and military hegemony of this hemisphere and reduce or cut off their access to lucrative resources and markets in the Americas.

All of these contradictions may serve to frustrate efforts to impose the FTAA on the countries and peoples of the hemisphere. The most determining factor in defeating the FTAA however will be the conscious and united resistance of the peoples – led by the working class and its closest allies.

Imperialism has an immense stake in the resources of Latin America. But many peoples of the hemisphere, and in the forefront the people of Cuba, have a long history of resistance to imperialism, and struggle for progress and national independence. These are countries with a strong history of revolutionary struggles.

CONTINUE...

© 2001 Communist Party of Canada